First of all we must have in sight, that the cultural complex and particular elements perish, when the bearers perish, either owing to their extinction, or because of their ethnical disintegration. This condition of loss of the cultural complex is very often forgotten. Among the Tungus ethnical units, as I have shown, there are some in this state of disintegration, and these facts are neither demonstrative of the condition of cultural complexes, nor convincing as regards the restoration of the history of the complex, particularly of shamanism. What we must deal with are the alien complexes and interethnical pressure produced upon the Tungus groups, for the internal conditions of variations of shamanism have been already shown.
There were three important complexes which in the history of shamanism appeared as special conditions. These were the Mongol, Chinese and Russian complexes which produced their pressure upon the Tungus shamanism. I might schematize these conditions as Buddhism, Chinese syncretism and Christianity, but it would be an artificial approach to the problem, an operation with abstractions, for these religions influenced not only the Tungus shamanism, but also the whole of the above indicated ethnographical and ethnical complexes. In fact, the medical art as used by the Chinese doctors, lamas, and Russian doctors produced its effect upon shamanism; the philosophical ideas and the positive knowledge of these great ethnical groups produced their effect in a not lesser degree.
Unfortunately, the investigations into the ethnographical complexes of these groups, with the exception of religions [696], are so poorly advanced that we cannot form an idea as to the actual weight of the influence not connected with the religions. However, in studying the present realities, we may suppose that other influences, such as medical art, philosophical ideas, positive knowledge etc., may have been as much effective in the past as they are now. Owing to the paucity of facts which we possess the influence of religious conditions will be our chief field of references. It should here be noted, that these religious systems are also connected with other aspects of psychomental complexes of the ethnical groups, who are bearers, so that the religions may be, at least indirectly, indicative of a general influence which must be kept in mind as a possibility if not a certainty.
The Buddhistic influence, as stated, has reached the Tungus by two ways, namely, from China and from the Mongols. As I have shown, shamanism itself seems to be a «digested» result of a Tungus (and Manchu) reaction on Buddhism. However, I do not base my investigation on this hypothesis, for Buddhistic influence continued after the formation of shamanism as a complex, and was again deposited as a secondary layer. In fact, we have seen that fuch'k'i was recently mastered by some shamans among the Manchus, as Buddha (burkan) was also mastered by the Tungus shamans after a long operation with seveng. There is no doubt that Buddhism made great progress during the later historic time. So, for instance, at the end of the seventeenth century the greater part of the population in Transbaikalia - the Buriats and Tungus — were shamanists and the Mongol groups, who had newly arrived in 1689, were headed by superior lamas. In 1712, the arrival was noted of fifty Tibetan lamas who were distributed among the Buriat clans. It was noted by Bishop Nil that the Buriats showed opposition to Buddhism, and that the success of the lamas was due to the Tibetan medical art. This is an interesting fact. Since that time the Buriats send their children to the famous centers of Buddhism. In 1741 only 150 lamas and eleven dacan (temples) were recorded, while in 1774 there were 617 lamas and 16 temples [697]. The Tungus neighbours of the Buriats fell under lamaistic influence much later. In spite of this, according to the official sources of 1897, the Tungus, called here Nomad Tungus, (with the exception of the Mankova group) were lamaists. However, as shown, it was not so, even later, in 1912-1913. These Tungus groups had shamans as well. One of the shamans in Narin Talacha mentioned in Section 143, was both shaman and lama. The groups of Mankova and Borz'a practised both Lamaism and Christianity and used to have shamans. Lamaism penetrated together with the Buriats into the Barguzin Tungus territory where lamas performed duties of doctors among these Tungus, for Russian medical assistance could not be given to this remote group i e. the same as was seen in the Buriat regions in the eighteenth century [698].
This second spreading of Buddhism, this time well organized and systematic (it was assimilated by the Mongols), was considered as the first appearance of Buddhistic influence. The number of 9258 Tungus lamaists, given by S. K. Patkanov (op. cit., p. 232), or 26,9 per cent of the whole Tungus population of Transbaikalia, is a great over-estimation of the actual position of Buddhism among the Tungus of Transbaikalia.
Nearly the same can be said of the situation in Manchuria, where the first Buddhistic influence, manifested in shamanism, was overcovered by a rather late spreading of Buddhism, partly under Mongol, and chiefly under Chinese influence, direct and through the Manchus, who soon after their settling in China became fervent Buddhists. In this way Buddhism has penetrated into the remote regions of the Amur River, where rare lamas and bonzes practised religious propaganda and medical art, and have founded several temples. However, their direct influence could not affect very much the Northern Tungus who received this second wave of «true Buddhism» through the hands of the Manchus and Dahurs, who themselves partly re-adapted it by fusing shamanism with Buddhism. In fact, this wave of Buddhism reached the Tungus only after the restoration of the Manchu control over their territories, after the treaty of Nerchinsk of 1689, when these populations settled down in a more or less permanent manner in their present area. However, in the territories occupied exclusively by the Tungus in Manchuria and Mongolia no temples, no monasteries, even no lamas living there permanently were found.
In summarizing the importance of the Buddhistic influence on shamanism, it may be stated that its gradual substitution for shamanism still continues. We have seen that some Tungus groups adapt and completely remodel it by incorporating into the complex of shamanism, as it is done by the Tungus of Manchuria, while among the Nomad Tungus of Transbaikalia it exists side by side with shamanism, as a complement of the latter in the «acting» psychomental complex. The most effective influence of Lamaism on the Tungus complex was, on the one hand, the medical art of the lamas, which was quite successful in the treatment of a great number of diseases and on the other hand, an introduction of a great number of new hypotheses, concerning the structure of the universe, the interpretation of astronomy, the existence of upper and lower worlds with corresponding subdivisions, new spirits of two types, definitely malevolent and benevolent etc. All these hypotheses were interesting to the Tungus and with their help many phenomena remaining obscure could be better explained. Apart from Lamaism, the influence of the Mongol complex on the Tungus, who were in direct contact with the Mongols and Buriats, was still stronger, for, as shown, the Tungus living in the steppe region and in the transitory belt have partly adopted the cattle-breeding complex and partly the social organization, in some cases even a new language. Through the medium of language the new psycho-mental complex was introduced. Indeed, since the hunting complex with all characteristically Tungus elements was given up, it could be replaced only by the Buriat (and Mongol) complexes, so that these Tungus have given up their old complex and have become cattle-breeders of an inferior quality as compared with the Mongols. The ideas, art, folklore etc. have been altered, and the Tungus complex is now only faintly preserved. Moreover, intermarriage with the Buriats has already resulted in a marked physical change of the population and in their psychology, in so far as it is conditioned by the inherited physical conditions.
* * *
The Chinese complex, as a factor disturbing shamanism, was no less important than the second spreading of Buddhism of Mongol origin. In the instance of the Manchu complex we have seen that the latter has absorbed Chinese elements. Living side by side with the Chinese in Manchuria into which the Chinese had penetrated before the Manchus became an ethnical body, the Manchus gradually adopted the Chinese complex, only slightly modifying it, as an adaptation to their own complex. However, since the flow of the Chinese influence is practically permanent, the assimilation of new elements (their adaptation to the Manchu complex) becomes easier and easier. At the moment of the investigation of the Manchus, they were in the process of losing that this layer of the Manchu complex which was preserved, owing to the privileged position of the Manchus in China. The language was about to be lost, even in the Aigun district, the last region where it had been preserved. With the loss of the language and with the political isolation the total disappearance of the remains of the old original psychomental complex could soon be expected.
The positive knowledge, especially that connected with agriculture, was for a long time borrowed from the Chinese, Together with the spreading of Chinese books, and particularly with their translation into Manchu, the Chinese complex was adopted first by the educated groups and later it penetrated into the most remote Manchu populations. However, the Manchus have preserved shamanism, and they have passed it on to some Chinese groups in Manchuria. In reality it was from the beginning built up of great number of purely Chinese elements or received from the Chinese. We have seen that the Chinese spirits both directly borrowed or adapted, were long ago incorporated into the Manchu lists of spirits. The Chinese prestidigitators' tricks introduced by the Manchus, were adapted and incorporated into shamanism. Of course, after a dissection of the Manchu shamanism to its elements, very little of the original Manchu_ elements will be found; the only original features that remained were: the functioning of this complex as a safety valve, as a self-regulating mechanism, and a few elements created in the process of adaptation, e.g. some vochko, first shamans, prayers and performances in Manchu, as long as the language was preserved, which was also saturated with Chinese elements. Finally, the Chinese ritualism and formalism, closely connected with the existence of a written language, and the gradual penetration of the Chinese language have taken away the means of readaptation of the shamanistic complex. This meant a general paralysis of the mechanism of the psychomental complex.
Although the Chinese influence on the Northern Tungus was much lesser, some of the Tungus groups have been entirely sinofied. Such is the case of some Udehe, namely, their southern branch known under the name of Taze (investigated by S. Brailovskij). This was the only group which for a long time was under the Chinese influence [699]. Some other Tungus groups, e.g. all Tungus of Manchuria, have received Chinese elements through the Manchus and partly through the Dahurs, i.e. already modified and adapted, in which form they sometimes do not look like Chinese elements.
The direct influence of the Chinese in recent years has become much stronger than it was before, even among the Manchus during their rule over China. In fact, schools are now established where teaching is done in Chinese, and the Tungus have come into a direct contact with the Chinese whom they imitate consciously and unconsciously. This influence can be arrested or merely delayed, only owing to the preservation of ethnical consciousness among the Tungus. We have seen that the Chinese «laugh» at the Tungus «backwardness», when they see shamanistic manifestations. On the other hand, the Chinese bring with them new knowledge, new hypotheses concerning this world, which the Tungus cannot reject because these theories are relatively simple and soothing the mind. The Tungus have now begun to assimilate the Chinese complex directly from the Chinese themselves. Shamanism can hardly resist this pressure. Again, as in the case of Lamaism, the chief factor destroying shamanism is not the theory, which may be assimilated by shamanism, but the medical assistance given sometimes quite successfully by the Chinese doctors. This assistance proves that in some cases, when the shamans fail to cure, the Chinese medical art may help, which shows that the Tungus cannot rely only upon the shamans in a most important matter such as the curing of diseases.
* * *
The Russian-Christian influence is much younger than the Buddhistic-Mongol and syncretic-Chinese influences. Some elements might have penetrated to the Tungus even before the first appearance of the Russians on the Tungus territory, but these elements might have been received as a new form of adaptation by the neighbours. They were certainly not very numerous. However, the Russian advance in Siberia brought the Tungus into direct contact with the Russians, who soon became their political masters.
At least two periods of the Russian influence can be distinguished. The early period, when Russian settlers and adventurers acted as pioneers, and made an impression not of «possessors of a superior cultural complex». but only of a unit strongly organized from the military point of view; and the second period, when the Tungus gradually became familiar with the Russian language. The Russians became then acquainted with the Tungus and could communicate them the principles of Christianity, medical art, positive knowledge and various hypotheses of their own. Although all Tungus did not become Christians, a great part of them adopted Christianity and gave up shamanism.
Christianity was at first introduced among the Tungus by compulsory baptism; but some of them accepted the new religion spontaneously, perhaps moved by political considerations. Such was probably the case of the Gantimur family which was baptized in the seventeenth century, apparently soon after their flight from Manchuria. The Nomad Tungus who were ruled by Gantimur gradually adopted Christianity together with the agricultural complex, while another part, as shown, adopted shamanism and nomadism of the cattle breeders of the Buriat type. Some of the Nomad Tungus have combined three complexes: shamanism, Lamaism and Christianity. In the northern regions of the Yakutsk and Enissei provinces the efforts made by the missionaries till the middle of the eighteenth century were not yet sufficient even for a formal adhesion of the Tungus to Christianity. However, with the change of policy, which consisted in giving various privileges to the christened Tungus, there was a great increase in the formal adhesion. In 1897, according to the official census, there were no more shamanists in the Maritime, Amur, and Yakutsk provinces and in the Irkutsk province there were 6 per cent, in Transbaikalia 45 per cent and in the Enissei province 12 per cent of «pagans», i.e. shamanists. However, a formal adhesion to the Orthodox Church did not mean much. A great part of the Tungus who lived on hunting and reindeer breeding practised shamanism [700].
Among the Reindeer Tungus of Transbaikalia I have gathered some data as to the spreading of Christianity, which I shall now give as an illustration of the situation. In the eighteenth century these Tungus did not speak Russian at all, while the missionaries apparently did not know Tungus. The Tungus regarded baptism as a form of submission to the «White Khan», i.e. the Russian Emperor. In their eyes baptism had no religious significance. However, as shown, the missionaries began at first to fight the shamans, which undoubtedly produced a great confusion of ideas among the Tungus. I happened to find in the archives of the Bauntovskaja Uprava (vide SONT, i.e. the office of the lake Baunt Tungus Administration) a report of a local petty official who in 1840 stated that among 906 souls of the Barguzin Tungus (Lake Baunt group) only one hundred were baptized. The latter did not differ from those who were not baptized. The petty official made an interesting remark about the Tungus: «they keep their word, although being very rough in manners and extremely savage and timid. They do not know Russian. Their own language, very incomplete, is composed of a mixture of the Manchu, Mongol and Tartar languages». However, documents dated 1839 pretend that there were baptized adult people and children in an unlimited number. Still, in 1842 only one family was baptized. After that time the Christian activity became intensive. On November 22, 1852, the church warden of the Barguzin (city) Church of Transfiguration of our Lord, Mixail Chernyx wrote a letter (numbered 12) to the Tungus clan chief (one of the administrative units) that he was ready to cancel the debts of the Tungus to the amount of 1050 rubles on the condition that his debtors accept baptism. Soon after this letter there was an official communication about the baptizing of thirty Tungus of various ages, between newly born up to 73 years. The increase of proselytes became quite important when it was announced that those who accepted baptism would not pay taxes during three years. After this there were produced several lists of newly baptized thus dispensed with taxation, followed by a document to the Uprava in which it was pointed out that the same persons must not be baptized a second time. Evidently, the Tungus interpreted baptism as a condition for being dispensed with paying the tax. In 1869, according to an official communication, there were 256 males and 162 females baptized, and 177 males and 293 females unbaptized, i.e. 59 per cent were not yet baptized. Under 1870 I found a new list of baptized Tungus, and in addition to it a document signed by the Bishop, in which a list of names of the baptized Tungus, who must not be baptized a second time, was given, and the order contained that each baptized should have a certificate of baptism. I have seen some of these certificates in the Uprava. However, at my time the Tungus did not read Russian. In the years 1860-1870 a missionary stationed at Irgen, near Chita, was very active, but since that time the adhesion of Tungus to Christianity was confined to a formal visit of a priest, once a year, to a chapel built up on the banks of the Lake Baunt, when all baptisms, wedding ceremonies, and a requiem for all those who died during the year were performed.
The penetration of Russian gold miners into the Barguzin taiga brought the Tungus into contact with the Russians, from whom they learnt Russian, at least those who entered into business relations, and so they could be easier influenced by the Church. The discussion and the discrediting of shamanism were common. The missionaries made also several attempts at educating some Tungus in their schools. These attempts failed. One of these young men, after his graduation from the lower ecclesiastical school abducted some reindeer and left for a little accessible region of the Maja River, breaking off his relations with the Church. Another, after his graduation, became a clerk in a gold mine and, being proud of his superior position, did not maintain any relations with the Tungus. A third one, who lived in Chita, did not want to return to the taiga.
At the present time (1912-1913) the great majority of these Tungus are Christians. However, their knowledge in this field is rather poor. I have met with the greatest authority among them, a man who could hardly read Russian; but he was chiefly interested in geography and biology. He gave me his interpretation of Christianity: the upper world is paradise, the lower world is the hell, but there are no sinners there; the master of man is ann'el (i.e. the angel), while the «master of bear» is a certain saint, and that of the shamans is Nikola ugodag (i.e. Nikolai Ugodnik of the Russians, Saint Nicolas), and so forth. A Nerchinsk Tungus who was employed as a workman by a Russian merchant and was supposed to be quite versed in Christianity, on my question about Jesus Christ asked me: Does he live in julja?» (a Russianized Tungus village, near Nerchinsk). This provoked a series of questions on my part, but it was evident that he never had heard about Jesus Christ. The Nomad Tungus, a part of whom settled in the Urulga village and became agriculturists, and who were for more than a century Christians wanted to convince me that the sacrifices to the spirits practiced by them were like the sacrifice given by Jacob to the prophet Elias.
The holy service, which the Tungus had occasions to see in the chapel of Baunt and in other places incidentally visited by them, was not understood as it should be, but it produced a great impression on the Tungus. They now use some Orthodox-Christian symbolism, as for instance a cross on the shaman's coat; some small icons may be found among the savak'i too; the brass cross may be used as an amulet; they also are making the sign of the cross, in imitation of the priests, but it means only an expression of high esteem [701].
Such a relatively poor result of Christianization of the Tungus was due to two conditions, namely, the inefficiency of the forms of propaganda and the difficulty of destroying the Tungus psychomental complex in so far as it is expressed in shamanism. As regards the inefficiency, it was so when the first Russians wanted to convert the Tungus by force and the Tungus resisted it; it did not change much, when the Russians wanted to attract the Tungus by granting them privileges; it did not improve when the Tungus were left relatively free — they were formally recognized to be Christians, but the priests could not maintain a connexion with them.
The most negative impression was produced on the Tungus by the zealous missionaries, some of whom destroyed placings for spirits, shamanistic paraphernalia etc. for proving that the spirits had no power, which, as I have shown, could not be convincing for the Tungus. S. K. Patkanov (op. cit., p. 219) relates that at the early period some missionaries among the Enissei Tungus used to pass their time in drinking, selling wine to the Tungus, and even entering into illicit relations with the local woman. Such a behaviour produced a strong negative reaction on the part of the Tungus who attempted to kill some of these missionaries.
However, the Russian policy in the propagation of Christianity did not remain the same. While at the beginning of Christianization the latter was enforced and later, even during the eighteenth century, the method of Christianization was rather formalistic, the idea of baptizing every one was given up as early as 1822, when (on July 22) the «Code of Siberian Natives» was promulgated and made the basis of all further regulations. In fact, the Siberian natives were granted the right to perform any rites and to have any religion they wished, which was later on incorporated into the general Code (article 67). Moreover, the articles 1700 and 1701 of the «Code of non-Orthodox Religion » emphasized that the conversion to Christianity could be made only by means of conviction and not by force; the civil authorities were charged with the duty of protecting the natives against any attempt at limiting their religious liberty. This policy implied a change of attitude towards the missionaries, whose activity had never found a great support from the government. After formal conversions to Christianity a great number of missionaries institutions ceased their activity altogether. For instance, the Turuxansk mission was officially closed in 1873[702] and the Tungus were served by ordinary parish-priests, who usually did not know the Tungus language.
After the formal adhesion of the Tungus to Christianity there were appointed priests who, according to the Russian practice, in a great number of cases received no fixed salary, or a very small one, but had to be supported by the remunerations received for baptism, weddings etc. and paid by those who needed the priest's assistance. This practice was also introduced among the Tungus who were formally recognized as Christians. But, as shown, in a great number of cases the Tungus did not understand the significance of these acts and the form of the remuneration, and the latter sometimes turned into a tribute. In more recent times, the mores became milder, but still the visit of a priest, who in the name of the Church used to collect his own tribute in furs, was not always agreeable to the Tungus. In 1912 I observed a priest who arrived in a settlement of the Nomad Tungus for collecting in natura the remuneration for his past services, in form of milk products, such as cream, cheese etc. He was going in his cart from family to family, collecting these products. Under Russian conditions this could be made without lowering the moral and religious influence of the priest; but on the Tungus it produced an impression of a new form of official «tribute». However, some of the priests and bishops merited a great esteem on the part of the Tungus for what had been done for them. Such was, for instance, a bishop who lived in Chita in the nineties of the last century, and who, according to the Tungus, «did much good, like a shaman». I have also heard good opinions as to the priests living at the present time.
The Russian penetration into the regions of the Far East, namely, the Amur and Maritime provinces, was delayed by two centuries, so that Christianization of the local Tungus groups was also delayed. However, as shown, a great number of Tungus of the Amur region came from the Yakutsk province, where they had already been baptized. The Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria, who had also come from the Yakutsk province, and even a part of Birarchen, mostly of the clan Igachagir, were Christians before their coming to Manchuria on the other hand, special efforts were made for converting the Goldi of the Amur and Ussuri regions and their neighbour — the Orochi — so that within a few decades these groups formally became Christians, with the exception of the small group which adopted Buddhism (vide supra). According to I. A. Lopatin (op. cit. pp. 56-58) the christianization of the Goldi went on under the rather favourable conditions of a positive reaction of the Goldi on the Russian control of the Amur region. However, as this investigator asserts, the Goldi did not much assimilate Christianity, although they used to attend holy services, to baptize their children etc. This fact is interesting, because great efforts were made for their christianization and a certain number of sacred books and prayer-books, as shown, were translated into the Goldi language. Naturally, the language was undoubtedly a real impediment in introducing Christianity. This was realized and special efforts were made by the missionaries and priests. As an evidence of this period we have some collections of Tungus words gathered among the Enissei Tungus, among the Tungus of the Yakutsk province and among the Oroci, and even some translations of the New Testament, etc. into Tungus and Goldi [703]. However, these efforts were in vain, for the activity of the missionaries was stopped after the collapse of the Imperial Government.
The spreading of Christianity did not affect very much the existence of shamanism, with the exception of cases when the Tungus were ethnically disintegrated, as for instance the Russianized Tungus of Transbaikalia who live on agriculture and such groups as the Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria and the Reindeer Tungus of the Saxalin Island (the latter emigrated at the beginning of this century from the Amur prov.).
Perhaps more effective was the medical assistance given to the Tungus by the Russians, though in a very limited area. The possibility of medical treatment of some diseases, which formerly were treated by the shamans, has had an unfavourable effect upon the shamanistic tendencies of the Tungus, I mean those of them who can have medical assistance, e.g. those living near the Russian settlements in the gold mining regions, in villages etc. A few schools attended by the Tungus produced the same effect. Those who passed through the schools lost their absolute confidence in shamanism. The spreading of school education among the Tungus groups in the Russian territory was not uniform. In fact, it was practically impossible to concentrate in schools Tungus children of groups which lived on hunting, for their parents were wandering, so that only single children could be taken away from parents. In fact, this was done in different groups. On the other hand, the Tungus who lived in a more or less settled manner could be educated in schools. The Tungus of Transbaikalia who adopted agriculture and a settled life began to receive their education in schools as early as in the middle of the last century. The children could be admitted into the Russian schools as well. Among the Goldi the first schools were started in 1867 (perhaps earlier) and in 1903 among the Goldi groups there were already eleven schools [704]. In the years 1913-1914, 129 children were registered in Goldi schools (in 1915-1916 only 103 boys and girls); some schools had boarders. A great part of these schools had been organized by the educational department of the Holy Synod, and thus were controlled by the Orthodox Church. The teaching was first made in the native language and later in Russian.
Besides the above mentioned schools some private schools were scattered in the regions inhabited by the Tungus. Such was, for instance, a school on the banks of the Bureja River (the Amur province). The Tungus children were also admitted into the schools kept in the goldmining regions, where the Tungus were educated together with the children of other ethnical groups (the Russians, Yakuts, and others).
Thus, Russian influence as a factor of disintegration of shamanism began its strong penetration among the Tungus through the school education as well.
The effect of all these influences was that shamanism began to weaken, which was realized by the Tungus. Their attitude was: «Shamanism is an old faith, so we must preserve it, for without shamanism the Tungus will perish!» as I was more than once told by the Barguzin Tungus. Some epidemics, like smallpox, reindeer epizootics etc. these Tungus explain by the decline of shamanism, which, as I have shown, cannot be justified.
Since I have touched upon the influence of Christianity, I must also mention an effort made by the French Jesuits who translated the New Testament and some other works into Man-chu during the period when the fathers were on good terms with the Manchu Emperors. However, this effort was sterile. Among the Aigun Manchus I have seen some of these books but they were not such as to attract the attention of the Manchus, and no influence produced by them could be seen. If it had any influence, it was confined to the Manchus of Peking who thereafter were soon «sinicised», and thus could have no influence upon the shamanists of Manchuria
A real and perhaps the strongest blow to shamanism came from another side, as we shall see a little later.
The use of foreign personal names may also be taken for measuring the degree of the loss of the Tungus complex.
Among the Reindeer Tungus of Transbaikalia I found a list of names which were used parallel to the Christian names, like John, Paul, Nicolas, etc. given at the baptism. However, among the Nomad Tungus of Urulga the name of Buriat origin were adopted and no Tungus names were used. Among the Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria no Tungus names were preserved, they used only Russian names. Among the Tungus of Manchuria Tungus names and seldom Dahur names are used, but among the Manchus Chinese names are used parallel to the Manchu names and sometimes the Manchu names are no longer used [705].
696. There are deep ethnographic reasons why Europeans were always interested in Buddhism and other alien religions — they went so far as becoming «iconographists» — remaining quite indifferent to other aspects of psycho-mental complexes. One of the unfavourable conditions was the fact of an inadequate preliminary education, chiefly philological, of the greater part of students of alien religions.
697. S. K. Patkanov, Opyt, Vol. 1, Fasc. 2, pp. 222-224.
698. This was repeated by the American Protestant missionaries in China, although with much more moderate success.
699. According to V. V. Solarskij (op. cit.) a certain part of the Tungus groups of the Maritime Prov. and a part of the Goldi were converted, under the Chinese influence, to Buddhism of the Chinese type.
700. According to V. V. Solarskij (op. cit., p. 161) the first mission was sent to the populations of Eastern Siberia in 1711 and it founded a permanent residence in Kamchatka. In 1742 an expedition consisting of an archimandrite, two ieromonachs (regular priest monks), an ierodeacon (regular deacon monk) and several students of the Moskow Orthodox Academy began its activity in Kamchatka, which continued for seven years. In the first quarter of the nineteenth century there were five or six missionaries in all of the Irkutsk diocese administering the Yakutsk province and Kamchatka.
701. In 1913 we were visited in our tent by a group of Tungus just arrived from a remote region. They entered the tent, knelt in front of us, made most fervently the sign of the cross, as if we were icons, and presented us with a half-bottle of vodka (Russian brandy). I have often observed the same way of addressing the particularly respected clan seniors.
702. According to a note by a special missionary of the Turuxansk region, Ieromonax Makarij who certified the authorship of a Tungus dictionary recorded in this region (MS.).
703. For details cf. Aspects.
704. In subsequent years this number fell to eight because of strong epidemics and it was found undesirable to have mixed schools which accepted both Russian and Goldi children. Some schools were also closed because of lack of pupils. V. V. Solarskij (op. cit. 133-148) gives a great number of details and his criticism of the practised system. Cf. also I. A. Lopatin (op. cit. pp. 58-59) who has given a short description and his criticism as to the education. This author points out a special ability of Goldi children for calligraphy and drawing, in which they are superior to the Russian children. This investigator asserts in general that the Goldi are capable pupils and are strong in arithmetic.
705. I give here some names which may have some meaning, while others have no meaning at all. Transbaikalian Reindeer Tungus: Katowul, Dafsevul, Gachevul, Sogdavul, Oshawul, Chutavul, Chuchuvul in which wul~vul is a suffix for male names; Kirig, Murdon, Matuk, Sangun'i, Singirkon, Duvuncha, Nokondun, Murchetkan, Irbou, Galchi, Nirba, Chufsani are used without a suffix as male-names. Ganjur, Dono, Chanik, Sundlla, Kiromak, Saldak, Umulak, Kirolak, Sajkak, Kurulbik in which lak, mak, dak, bik etc. are suffixes, used for female names.
Here are some names used among the Tungus of Manchuria: Katadu, Ujigan, Tuyuldin, Katasin, Injabu, Indachan, Jandachan, Urpa, Chemungga, Mojdo as names used for males. I have a series of personal names from the stories, but I do not give them here. Some of them are old Tungus names (e.g. Tibjavul), while other names are Tungus, but of a seemingly recent origin; lastly there are many Manchu and Mongol names. As to the Manchu customs vide SOM.