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06. Particular Problems: Illustrations Of The Practical Application Of The Theory Of Ethnos

The above outline of the theory of ethnos as it is here expounded may appear as pure theory I may refer to

my description of the Northern Tungus groups, given in my work Social Organization of the Northern Tungus, which has been done with the application of the theory of ethnos to the analysis of ethnical groups. I shall now give some cases of analysis of complex phenomena, as illustration of practical application of the theory.

First I shall discuss the problem of social differentiation. We have seen that a population may assume a very strong centripetal movement which may result in the formation of an ethnical unit which would oppose itself to other units. If a unit occupies a large territory with variable regions, but does not create any common organization, except the government functioning chiefly for organizing resistance to the interethnical pressure, the long adaptation to the local conditions of regions may result in a differentiation (centrifugal movement) of local groups which in their turn may grow into ethnical units. Indeed, after such a differentiation the unity of the former group may be chiefly and sometimes solely maintained by the interethnical pressure. However, such a situation could not occur if the unit would create a complex system of economic organization which would also imply specialization of non-territorial groups of population. In such a case the process of differentiation proceeds along the lines of social structure i.e. so to say in horizontal direction. The mechanism of this differentiation, as a form of centrifugal movement, is the same as that in regional differentiation. Both of them are imposed by the need of adaptation and in so far they are beneficial for the unit, but when this process is too intensive the new social units when formed and well organized may elaborate all traits typical of ethnical units. For instance, there may be ela-borated a special language (in fact in socially differentiated units languages are numerous and so distinct that the social groups do not understand one another); there may be elaborated a complex of cultural adaptation including special literature, art, and what may be called «philosophy», there may be formed «class consciousness», and at last marriage limitations, confined to the newly formed units, — the merchants, workmen, peasants, intellectuals, very specialized groups such as priests, naval officers, and so on. So that there will be actually formed new ethnical units with all characteristics typical of them. The cohesion between them may be maintained only by a very strong centripetal movement, expressed in a special common language, strong government, etc. chiefly imposed and justified by the strong interethnical pressure. We have some instances of perfect stabilization of such units into legally recognized units, the endogamous castes.

When the centripetal movement is weak, the former unit split into new units may lose its ability of resistance and either be conquered by the stronger ethnical units or perish in the so called «class struggles I say „perish in the class struggle“ because the reason of existence of differentiation was adaptation of the units as a whole, so that when differentiated units destroy each other (in this respect there is no essential difference between the ethnical and class struggle) the former unit as a whole is not able to function, and thus it perishes. It may be noted that the formal disintegration of the socially differentiated units is very often observed when the interethnical pressure is temporarily removed, so that the centripetal movement stimulated by the outside pressure does not work any more.

However, occurrences of purely social disintegration are very rare, for the big units which are affected by the social differentiation usually comprise several half-disintegrated ethnical units and, occupying a large territory, they may include a certain number of regionally differentiated groups. Great numbers of historic cases are combined cases of social, regional differentiation and ethnical secondary integration. Such are cases of Roman collapse, Russian collapse, and perhaps the approaching collapse of some other units of the same type of empire. It may be also pointed out that the similarity in the justification and rationalization of ethnical and class struggle is remarkably great, although sometimes the class and ethnical struggles being simultaneous and proceeding on parallels, exclude one another and thus two centres of crystallization may be formed. Yet, after the victory, the victorious social and ethnical units sometimes assume the same ideology and practices, as those of the former unit. There are usually introduced only new phraseology, new justification and new rationalization of the status. Naturally, the revolutionary appearance is lost very soon and a new process of differentiation begins. Indeed, it cannot be otherwise, for this is the only mechanism of adaptation which exists. However, in a great number of cases the groups affected by these processes, especially if they are very large, are almost automatically swallowed by other units, and their survival is possible only on the condition of partial breaking of interethnical pressure.

Thus, I may conclude these remarks on social differentiation by stating that social groups are potential ethnical units and at the basis of the process we have the same process of ethnos. Indeed, as in the case of «racial», regional, cultural and other units, the process of formation of ethnical groups from social groups is arrested by strong centripetal movement, and so the completion of the process is observed only in the cases of collapsed units.

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Another problem is that of the nation. I do not want to repeat here that the attempts at giving a clear definition of nation have failed. The cause of this failure resides in the fact that two different things were mixed and identified as one, namely, the process and the physical populations. The problem of nation may be approached from two sides, namely, from the historic-comparative and from the analytico-functional. Both approaches are good if we keep in mind that This is a process affecting population. Three classical cases are clear in the formation of nations.

(1) A group of ethnical units (differentiated either on regional or functional principles, or both) may come into relations of cooperation based upon division of work in the larger aggregation of several units. As soon as this new form of adaptation is organised, even without being understood, a single unit cannot carry on its struggle for existence. Then a temporary colony of units will be formed and connected by a system of common interests. If such a colony meets with the opposition of the other ethnical or similar combined units, and thus is found under a direct pressure of interethnical milieu, a strong centripetal movement may appear. It is very likely that there will be formed either a federation of these populations or a new larger ethnical unit.

(2) Another case is that of a fast growing ethnical unit, usually biologically very strong, which spreads over the territory thinly peopled or even empty. Such a unit may attain large size equalling that of the preceding case of colonies. It is merely a large ethnical unit. (3) An ethnical unit, usually very much inclined for warfare, gradually spreads and overcomes neighbouring units. Owing to the fact that a large number of people may carry out the function of centripetal activization of the unit formed out of subjugated units, the latter begin to lose their centripetal movement in favour of the larger unit. So a conquest may result in the formation of a colony of units headed and forced to stay together under the pressure of the conqueror. This colony of units with the course of time may become an ethnical unit.

However, survival of all these units is possible only on the condition of existence of a particular interethnical milieu and equilibrium created partly because of newly formed units. In fact, we have many instances; of this kind when peopled regions; cannot be occupied by the large groups and are left alone. Such regions may have very mixed populations consisting of one or several ethnical units and they will not be taken over by the larger units for the existing equilibrium will not permit it. Modern terminology gives them the name: «nations». On the other hand well defined ethnical units may receive no recognition as «nations» and they will not exist as factors influencing international relations.

My enumeration will not be complete if I omit another case, namely, when the new colony of ethnical units or merely population is formed owing to the peculiar conditions of relations between the existing units-nations. Some regions may be left without direct interference of «nations» and placed under the control of one of the ethnical units. As soon as this ethnical unit is in control it may gradually spread its influence over the other units or population of the region and begin to play the part of centripetal factor. Thus an actually functioning unit may gradually be formed.

In all these cases we have large units which originate owing to the existing interethnical equilibrium. When they are recognized, they become «nations». A nation may exist for a few months or for long centuries. It may grow into an ethnical unit, and yet, it may remain heterogeneous being composed of different ethnical units. However in all these cases it will be a by-product of interethnical equilibrium, — a unit recognized by other similar units.

For these reasons a nation cannot be identified as an ethnical unit and even the process which I called «ethnos», must be well established before ethnological identification is given to a nation. I may here point out that in the hands of Sir A. Keith, the application of the theory of ethnos to nations was a source of some defects in his outline of the process of evolution of human races. When one wants to use theory of ethnos, the distinction between the ethnical units and nations must be very sharp.

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The third problem is that of the cultural complexes and elements in their relation to ethnos. The effect of spreading of cultural phenomena is most important in the process of ethnical differentiation. First, the wider the area of the cultural complex or elements the less important they are in the process of differentiation of ethnical units. Second, it must be pointed out that every cultural complex and every cultural element possesses a certain potential of diffusion which is different for different complexes and elements, and which is different in different ethnical milieus. This aspect is of great importance. There are some elements, for instance, matches which possess very great power of diffusion for they are needed by all human groups. They are cheap, and their adoption does not imply any great modification of the existing cultural complex. On the other hand there are some other elements the potential of diffusion of which is almost none, e.g. such is the case of the syntax of the French language, which, let us point out, is a cultural element of a large cultural complex,-the French language. The potential of diffusion of this; element is confined only to the territory with populations speaking the French language. I have taken these two examples as instances, but there may be given thousands of other instances. Spreading of elements of complexes in different ethnical (culturally different) milieus: modern composers' works easily spread among the ethnical groups of Europe, but they meet with great hindrance as soon as they leave these groups; new fur, used for winter cases, may spread only among the ethnical units possessing complex of winter fur coats, evidently to some degree limited by the climatic conditions and existing «fashions» [42]. The leading ethnoses (this problem is discussed below) which bring with them new forms of cultural adaptation have great influence on the spreading of complexes and elements. Together with their spreading, — and this is one of characteristic features of leading ethnoses — these complexes and elements of adaptation lose their differentiating function. However, together with their spreading and loss of differentiating function they do not always remain so, but within other ethnical units they may undergo secondary differentiation and thus become an effective condition of chemical differentiation. Such is the fate of many religious systems, also philosophical and political teachings. So in these cases we have the same phenomenon of ethnos reflected in the cultural phenomena. The field of languages in this respect is especially rich in reliable and well checked material [43]. I now point it out for the nature of these phenomena was very often taken for independent, supernatural and metaphysical existence of functional phenomena. The theory of ethnos solves this enigma quite successfully together with the solution of the problem of dynamic processes in the populations which result in the formation of various groupings, as ethnical, national, social, regional on the one hand, and in the creation of necessary conditions for human physical changes (evolution). Thus the latter cannot be regarded from the teleological point of view, but as a peculiar effect of variable equilibria in man working through the mechanism of ethnos.

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Under the technical term leading ethnos which is very important as mechanism of adaptation and remodelling of cultural complexes and as mechanism of changes in the interethnical milieu, I understand a process which results in the appearance of ethnical units or groups of ethnical units which at different historic moments become models for other ethnical groups. There is great analogy between the animal species and ethnical units. In fact, in the classification of geological strata, palaeontological remains are used as character of distinction. Indeed, if a certain animal appears in a stratum and thus at certain historic period in a great number of individuals and very often in a great number of varieties, we may be allowed to suppose that in the given milieu there were particularly favourable conditions for growth of the species and groups of species which were better adapted than other species and related species. Such species may remain, survive, during the subsequent periods when there may appear other species which will be characteristic of the new conditions of existence, and such species may perish altogether without leaving any offspring. So the geological periods may be characterized by appearance of different species which may be considered as typical and well adapted at the given geological time; from Palaeontology we know that duration of continuity of species is very variable, some species appear for a very short time while other species survive for a very long time. I shall not enumerate all characteristics of the conditions of their appearance, variations and extinction, but I shall now point out only two important conditions, namely, before extinction the animal species shows great adaptive specialization and it usually produces great number of varieties and new species.

We must account the fact that the biological adaptation of the ethnical units is following the line of functional adaptation in connection with which no morphological changes may occur. These functional adaptations are relatively simple and may be carried out during a relatively short period, for, as shown, they are essentially a function of the density of population and the latter — as we know from biology — possess an enormous potentiality of increase when the animalism «favourable» conditions. Every new norm of cultural adaptation may open this possibility. Therefore existence of leading ethnical units, i.e. units which appear as better adapted at the given historic moments, as compared with palaeontological species is very short [44] and differentiation of ethnical units may proceed in a more extensive manner.

In a great number of cases the important condition of appearance of a new leading ethnical unit is the discovery of a new form of cultural adaptation, be it anew technical discovery, new form of social system, or essential change in the psycho-mental complex, be it a single cultural element or a new complex. Such a new adaptation may permit the ethnical unit to grow numerically and become more powerful than the units which surround it. Naturally, this will result in the increase of interethnical pressure which would stimulate further adaptation (cultural) and usually further complication of the existing complex. In such a state the leading ethnical unit will become a model for other ethnical units, and it will become culturally leading. In the conditions of interethnical disequilibrium such a unit may overgrow its former boundaries and form a unit (nation, empire) which at a certain moment may appear in the conditions of zero of interethnical pressure. As soon as this condition is created the newly formed unit will collapse under the pressure of ever increasing centrifugal movement. This is the most common case of collapse of leading ethnical units which overgrow in the conditions of heterovelocity of change of cultural adaptation in a heterogeneous interethnical milieu. However, when there is interethnical equilibrium the leading ethnical unit will produce its influence and it may even remain in this condition for a long time, as inventor of new forms of adaptation. There may be two cases: the ethnical unit may become parasitic on other units and, naturally, perish with the first essential change in the interethnical milieu, and in its high specialization it may lose elasticity of adaptation and its inventive power will not be used by itself, but by the other ethnical units which are not so much specialized. In this case the new adaptation permitting further increase of population would open new series of variations (it may be supposed usually cyclic), breaking of former interethnical equilibrium and ethnical clash, usually in the form of war. The former leading ethnical unit will thus become either highly specialized in the newly created interethnical milieu or it will even leave its territory to the other aggressive units. Then a new leading ethnical unit will occupy its place as leader. Indeed, the forms in which leadership is expressed depend upon the character of cultural adaptation, typical of the historic period and given interethnical milieu, and concurrently on the biological character of the unit, as for instance, psychomental elasticity, Potential power of reproduction, character of metabolism, physical strength, and so on. We may theoretically suppose that if there is some essential change in the physiological and even morphological characters of the unit, it too may become a leading unit. Remodelling of the interethnical relations in this case will take form of physical extinction of the units which cannot compete with the new physical modification of the old type. However, such instances cannot be very numerous in man, although this constitutes an important item in the dreamy philosophy of all times.

It is remarkable that on looking back on the history of European groups, one may see that almost every important change in the system of material culture is connected with the change of leading ethnical units every one of which brings something new to the pre-existing complex, particularly psychomental complex. Indeed, it would be quite artificial to regard these changes as due to the single factor, like «material culture», economic system, war technique, etc. for behind these changes there is change of leading ethnical units which are changing substrata. In the same manner we may see subsequent substitution of ethnical units in their function of leading ethnos among the populations of parts of the world, the history of which is better known, as Eastern Asia, India, Western and Minor Asia. We may suppose from the study of cultural sequence and «racial» changes in prehistoric time that the same phenomenon of leading ethnos was a «working mechanism» of changes.

Before leaving this problem I want to point out that there are periods when no definite leading ethnos is seen, when the struggle for supremacy is not yet finished and the interethnical milieu appears to be in a state of confusion. Second, there is enormous difference in the psychomental attitude of the leading ethnical unit as compared with other ethnical units. However, here there ought to be kept in mind that peculiar conditions of psychomental complex at different periods of cyclic growth must not be overlooked. The leading ethnical unit usually believes in its perfect superiority, «right» to direct other units, when necessary to destroy other units in the name of «progress», justice, God, and other justifications the choice of which exclusively depends on the existing psychomental complex. Such a unit does not believe in its temporal existence, but it believes that the existing position will be maintained forever. These self-assertions, self-confidences, self-justifications, deep ethno-centrism's, and limitless egoism's form the complex of mechanism which permits the unit to overcome all difficulties in functioning as a leading ethnical unit. When this mechanism is destroyed the unit loses its functional ability of leading ethnos. History gives us a great number of examples of decline due to the destruction of this mechanism. Again, the period of cyclic process here must be especially considered.

It may be also noted that the attention of other ethnical units is always attracted by the leading ethnical units, and the attention of the ethnical unit itself is also absorbed by its own activity [45]. Owing to this in the historic records we have great disproportion of information as to the ethnical units existing simultaneously. This is also a very interesting condition which puzzled historians to such a degree that they could not see the causes of the collapse of leading ethnoses which naturally themselves are only one of the complex manifestation of interethnical milieu and beyond this milieu cannot be understood [46].

The struggle between the leading ethnical units and candidates constitutes the romance of history which attracted much more attention on the part of historians than the real history of mankind [47].

From the point of view of the spreading of cultural complexes the existence of the process here called leading ethnos is of primary importance. In fact, when an ethnical unit begins to play the part of leading unit, the cultural complex created by it begins its spreading, as a whole or as elements. As pointed out in the section dealing with the problem of cultural complex and ethnos, spreading of the elements and complexes will naturally meet with certain hindrances, thus they will not spread equally on the territory, and yet they may be subject to a secondary re-adaptation in which form they may lose their former function which prepared the ground for further penetration of the leading ethnical unit. Existence of some cultural cycles, so called linguistic «families», spreading of some philosophical and religious systems, and other similar phenomena are usually connected with the spreading of the influence of leading ethnical units. I say «spreading of influence» and not «spreading of ethnical units» for the influence may proceed without a spreading of populations constituting leading ethnical units. It may be here noted that in the regions where there were alternations of leading ethnical units, there are usually found traces of cultural cycles, and «families of languages». So, for instance, in Europe at the present time so called «Indo-European family» with its layers corresponds to the changes of leading ethnical units with subsequent spreading of their languages, however, it was preceded by another «family» (Japhetic «family») which is now overlapped by the Indo-European group of languages. The most interesting case is that of Turkish, Mongol and Tungus «families» which had no time for continuous spreading because of very intensive alternation of leading ethnical units of a short duration by the side of the Chinese written language which covered enormous territory. In Africa we have very instructive instance of Bantu «family» and Arabian «family»; in North America, Algonquin, Athabaskan and Uto-Aztecan; in South America, Arawak, Carib, Tapuya and Tupi all of which probably were used to be leading ethnical units of their time. About some of them we have quite definite historic evidences. A puzzle for ethnographers, linguists, and ethnologists was the existence, by the side of these «families», of a great number of languages which could not be classified at all, as the famous «about seventy smaller families» in South America and «nearly seventy smaller families» in North America, indefinite number of «smaller families» in Central Africa, «Palaeasiatic languages» in Asia and mosaic picture of languages spoken in China and Indo-China which only with all possible liberty could be quite arbitrarily grouped into «Sino-Tibeto-Siamese-family», just to sooth minds which require «families». However, the process of leading ethnos gives us a perfect understanding of the situation without any postulates and hypotheses, as to the «evolution» of languages and their «genetic relations». The same method may be applied to the analysis of cultural complexes and their relations in cultural cycles, greatly limited by the conditions of milieu and density of population among the ethnical units, without speaking of the pre-existing complexes. A consideration of the fact of the existence of leading ethnos in the analysis of existing complexes in a great number of cases leaves aside heated discussion about «diffusion», «parallelism», Kulturkreise, evolution, «race-language-civilization problem», and many others.

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Although the problem of application of theory of ethnos to the anthropology in a detailed manner is discussed in my works devoted to the process of growth mentioned before, and though the physical changes in man, as well as classification of human populations, at first may seem to have no direct connection with the psychomental complex, I deem useful to give here some remarks in order to avoid possible misunderstandings should the differentiation on the basis of cultural adaptation be opposed to the physical differentiation. As shown before, an opposition (in function and nature) of the cultural adaptation, particularly psychomental complex, to the physical adaptation, particularly physiological complex, is a permanent source of misinterpretations of phenomena of human biology. In fact they are only different aspects of the same phenomenon [48]. Physical differentiation of animals is also a process which proceeds first in individuals, in so far as mutation and ontogenetic formations are concerned; then in small groups, — they either may be or may not be cognized, — when a new modification multiplies, or when a group of individuals are affected by a similar change; at last, in numerous populations. This process may affect a large number of individuals, but it may also affect a very limited number of them. Further numerical increase of a new modification depends on a multitude of conditions, particularly on the degree of its adaptiveness under the conditions of ever varying primary, secondary (cultural) and tertiary (interethnical) milieus, and especially on the stability («dominantness») of the complex of characters (even single characters) in the process of crossing. Indeed, the formation of new modifications is the most common, and probably very frequent phenomenon, especially when the human populatio ii migrating and when it is found under the process of change of cultural adaptation [49]. When newly formed modifications are not perceived their crossing is going on parallel to the formation of new modifications. When they are perceived, a selected crossing may take place. As it has already been shown by the anthropological analysis of some populations, quite «mixed» offspring's may be produced from such crossings owing to a segregation of heterozygous characters and these offspring's may have certain stability.

Here it is timely to point out that with the present knowledge of physical characters we are confined only to phenotypic rough characters, such as forms of the head, body, limbs and hair, also pigmentation, while perhaps the most important characters, — the chemical functional complex and physical constructive complex [50], — remain beyond the observation, without speaking of the chromosomes and plasme, about the differences of which in human groups we have only vague guesses. Anthropology and particularly classification of human populations was going on along the same line as zoology, especially mammalogy. This was an imitation, while the material and aims of anthropology and zoology were not exactly the same [51]. Owing to this there were advanced the ideas of species, sub-species and race which were not needed at all for the analysis of human populations and the whole discussion for more than a century went astray [52], — a search for «species» and «races» kept busy several generations of anthropologists. The second consequence was that the attention was attracted by the static differences, again by analogy with other animals, while functional side was sometimes consciously banished [53], although biologically the differentiation of human groups (and individuals) is more essential in its functional aspects than in its static aspect. With a considerable advancement of general and human biology, the problems of crossing and inheritance have come to the first plan and together with it a real crisis of old anthropology has begun, so that a definite tendency to change the name of this science has appeared desirable to some anthropologists. Of course, it is only a temporary reaction.

The existence of species and races has never been inferred from the facts, but it was postulated. However, long time ago P. Topinard pointed out that «race» was only a theoretical abstraction which did not exist as a tangible reality, a real human unit where the process of changes is going on. Some similarity between the individuals undoubtedly is a fact, so that I admit that when anthropologist is dealing with apopulatio he must distinguish the types without any presumptions as to their inter-relations and origin, indeed, with the help of a fixed group of selected characters, or only with the help of «physical» characters, all the types cannot be distinguished, while even a single character may sometimes suffice for distinguishing a type from another type, in spite of similarity in other characters. Practically, distinction of such types is needed for an elimination of confusion of characters, for a restoration of continuity of populations, when the same type (or types) is met with among distinct ethnical groups, and especially for the analysis of variations of characters, both single ones and in complexes. Naturally, new anthropological types are always found as result of spontaneous modifications (chiefly mutations); but not all of them become numerous and many of them become extinct within a generation, and yet not all of them are noticed [54]. It does not mean that anthropologically no uniform populations are formed. Although historically they may be composed of different types (and quite different ethnical groups), the process of crossing may go as far as to form a really homogeneous and little varying groups observed, for instance, among endogamous small regional groups, endogamous social and ethnical units (also «families» and «clans»). However, the fusion of different types may not occur at all, if there is no fusion of populations of which ethnical, social and regional groups are composed, and if there is a strong process of adaptive differentiation in these groups and formation of new mutations. On the other hand, theoretically it must be admitted that in a population which consists of different types a gradual selection of some types may occur, so that at the conclusion of this process a homogeneous monotypic population may also be formed. An exclusion, a priori, of various adaptive characters from those which are taken as characteristic of the anthropological types is absolutely arbitrary. This becomes especially evident when physiological (and thus potentially psychological) characters are not excluded [55]. Moreover, entirely to neglect cultural adaptation in the matter of biological (physical) selection is as much arbitrary as to neglect, for instance, primary milieu. Of course, the situation is greatly complicated for the investigator who wishes to define what is the cause and what is the effect, — whether the cultural adaptation (especially psychomental complex) underlies the psycho-physiological complex, or vice versa. Naturally without postulates or mere presumptions this question cannot now be answered, and it seems to be of no importance should the populations be considered from the ethnological point of view. It is plain, no individual can be abstracted from the ethnical milieu in which he was born and lived, for the individual functional power, in the sense of adaptation, is not that of an isolated individual, but his own power multiplied by that of the ethnical unit (potentially it may be an uncompleted process of ethnos) to which he belongs de facto, i.e. what he «receives» from the milieu [56]. Thus, we now may say in a more general form: the characters of an individual are product of mass of populatio bound by the centripetal movement, regardless what is its nature, and since the cultural adaptation is a function of the mass of the unit in the system of interethnical equilibrium, the specific characters of the mass must not be neglected when individuals are considered. In this formulation the hereditary, ontogenetic, and post-growth adaptation, both in the static and functional aspects, are comprised.

Thus in its essential the process of formation of new types, their numerical growth, extinction and fusion, is the same as that of the ethnical units (particularly, social groups) and this process is only one of the aspects of ethnos. As soon as the idea about the anthropological differentiation is precised, amongst others the importance of anthropological-topological analysis, as much detailed as possible, for further investigations into the human biology, entirely overshadows the old aims, — a philogenetic classification of «races» and various «origins». Naturally, an analytical description of anthropological types gives us some documentation (when very carefully applied) for the study of continuity of populationes, but a complete restoration of history of types and populations probably is as much impossible, and even methodologically fallacious, as operations with «nations» by historians, «cultures and civilizations» by historians of culture, «cultural complexes» by ethnographers, «social classes» by sociologists. These static pictures of the process, as a representation of realities, are still less tangible than the individual organism in its continuity which is possible to accept only within very strictly defined limits and for special purposes.

* * *

The psychomental complex as shown before, is only a group of elements of functional adaptation separated by us only for technical reasons of treatment. As a complex, it comes into the complex of ethnical equilibrium here designated as S. It is thus evident that the principles of impulsive variations, tempo and intensity of variations, and naturally tension of reactions ought to be applied to the psychomental complex. Indeed, the influence of physical, and especially physiological, conditions of the ethnical unit has the greatest importance for the functioning of the psychomental complex. Even minor changes or a defective functioning of the physiological complex may. be responsible for changes in the psychomental complex. Yet, the formation of the psychomental complex and its further variations especially in the accumulation of ideas greatly depends on the numerical power of the unit, and selective mechanism of the individuals best adapted for mental work - i.e. the contributors of the new ideas. So that the psychomental complex is intimately connected with the biological (in a narrow sense) conditions of the unit and numerical power of the population. In so far as the psychomental complex is a complex of cultural elements it is subject to the conditions characteristic of the cultural complex in general, i. e. continuous re-adaptation of the complex to the system of moving ethnical equilibrium and pressure of interethnical milieu. In the system of ethnical equilibrium the role of the psychomental complex is especially important; for the cohesion of the unit, — interrelation of members constituting the unit — is achieved through the medium of this complex, yet the reactions of the unit expressed in the re-adaptation of the technical culture and social organization must first pass through this complex. The influence of the interethnical milieu on the unit is also produced through the psychomental complex. The influence on this complex, its disbalancing, its disintegration are primary objectives in the interethnical pressure. By these means consciously or unconsciously the struggle between the units is operating only in serious cases resulting in a clash between the physical bearers of the complex.

Especially important in this complex is the existence of a very influential self-regulating mechanism of the automatism which permits the unit to readapt itself without cognition of this process. Destruction of this mechanism may mean for the unit loss of ability of maintaining equilibrium without even being af-fected by physiological disfunction, so that it can not be understood from a pathological point of view, while a minute analysis of the complex may give us quite a clear picture of internal causes of disfunction. In this respect the mechanism of acceleration and retardation of the variations of the psychomental complex cannot be understood without a minute analysis of the tempo and intensity of impulsive variation and that of the internal equilibria of the ethnographical complexes as a whole.

This importance of the psychomental complex in the life of populations grouped into ethnical units is greatly responsible for shadowing other aspects of the ethnical equilibrium and its abstraction. However, such an approach to the psychomental complex, cannot be justified when one wants to penetrate its functioning and on occasion its contents. In fact, the psychomental complex is conditioned, as shown, not only by the inherited psycho-physiological complex, but also by the social organization, technical culture and primary milieu, from which it cannot be separated. Changes in the primary milieu, and secondary milieu produce changes in the psychomental complex, or they may produce disturbance of the psychomental complex.

We have seen, under a varying condition of impulsive variations assuming form of logistic curve of population growth for a cyclic period, the psychomental complex does not remain the same, either as a form of adaptation, or as its character, e. g. hopefulness, aggressiveness, relative tranquillity, hopelessness, passiveness, etc. Such changes in the psychomental complex are conditioned by the character in movement of population, — they actually are functions of movement of population, — and they cannot be understood without consideration of conditions of population in its dynamic aspect. Such phenomena is sudden collapses, shown above, may not be understood from only the psychological point of view, but the external state of the unit ought to be considered in respect to the causes of change of tempo of the variations.

From the above remarks as to the relation between the psychomental complex and remarks concerning the theory of ethnos and cultural complex in general, it may be seen that a detailed description and analysis of the psychomental complex are possible only when the latter is considered in a totality of relations existing within the ethnical unit and these created by the interethnical milieu, and therefore the theory of ethnos must be made the theoretical basis of a treatment of the psychomental complex.

42. I shall return to this problem in the concluding part of this work.

43. The nature and function of language is treated by me from the point of view of theory of ethnos in my Aspects (1931)

44. Here I point out that when we are dealing with the palaeontological species we cannot penetrate the problem of minute functional adaptations of extinct animals, for these functions might have no effect on the morphology of these animals. However, the animal ethnoses formed within the species morphologically distinguished and as mechanism of changes were of the same «functional» type, as in human ethnical units, the difference being that of quantity of physiological adaptation.

45. In some cases it may turn into real ignorance. However, when such a leading ethnical unit begins to pay too great attention to other units this may be considered as a sign of coming decline, — disfunction of psychomental complex.

46. It is common to meet the most fantastic explanations of collapses of ethnical leading units which may be explained as punishment of superior powers, degeneration, especially liked by the biologists, «exhaustion of creative power» and other hypotheses, while the reality is variations of the system of equilibria in a differentiated milieu, sometimes stimulated even by the factors lying beyond the earth.

47. There are two great reasons for this situation, namely, emotional condition, — puzzle of change; and utilitarian stimulus, — to learn how to become a leading ethnical unit and get even though temporary benefit of this position. Among the «candidates» the belief into an ever-continuous existence is still stronger than among the declining leading ethnical units. The question as to how far the process of becoming leading ethnical unit may be regulated if at ill, is beyond the present subject.

48. A very curious behaviour is observed among the investigators: when the social and generally cultural adaptation of «animals» is discussed, -e.g. the family and group organization, tradition, etc. — they are approached as special aspects of animal biology, while when human cultural complex is treated it is opposed to the human «biology». Such an opposition is deeply rooted in the European ethnographical complex, — the body and the spirit, «soma» and «noos», etc. — on the one hand; and functionally it depends upon specialization of investigators, in their preliminary education, in artificially separated groups of knowledge, — humanities and natural sciences, — on the other hand. Of course, the body of knowledge in the socially differentiated groups is not the same, and the specialization in different branches is conditioned by the need of professional education, and naturally professional interests. So that such an opposition is one of the particular effects of the process of ethnos in populations (ethnical units and their colonies) which result in social differentiation.

49. Experimentally (chiefly on plants and insects) it is known that the mutations are very common and can be produced. From the observation of facts the same is found in the realm of «uncontrolled» nature. A great number of anthropologists and general biologists observed effects (probably both hereditary and ontogenetic) of very strong factors such as deviations of the food, air, sunlight, humidity (in migrations also ethnical and social differentiation's), also a supposedly new factor — the so-called «domestication». Naturally, the above mentioned deviations and their effects must be special group of phenomena, distinct from the secondary and tertiary milieus. «Domestication» of animals, as well as «domestication» of man, merely means a complex interspecies relation (it also exists between e.g. man and micro-organisms, man and some insects and animals which are not domesticated) under the pressure of ever growing population and consequently (or alternatively) ever changing cultural adaptation. As shown, it is only a particular aspect, which ever existed, of the process of ethnos, easily understood if we do not accept an anthropocentric and ethnocentric attitude in the approach to the problem, and if we do not postulate an opposition of «soma» to «noos», etc.

50. Analysis of the last complex is given in my last work on the Growth.

51. Indeed, the difference is not that «man»is Man and «animals» are Animals, but the difference is that historically a rough and approximate classification of animals was needed as such for recording facts, while in man the question of interest was minor (as compared with other animals) differences confined not only to the «physical characters.»

52. This movement astray was not naturally fruitless. The human populations, at least in some respects, have been thoroughly investigated and a new approach to the problem of human classification has become possible. But this indirect approach to the problem has greatly delayed the reaching of the goal. Of course, as it is characteristic of the European complex, unchecked postulation of hypotheses and acting by analogy are always retarding the process of cognition of milieu.

53. Physiological investigations of human groups is a quite new branch of anthropology. Indeed, the attention to it was attracted long time ago, but the information was incidental and covered only a small group of phenomena. Some anthropologists have even excluded physiological anthropology from the scope of anthropology. In the same way the process of growth for a long time was neglected and only in recent years it deserved attention of investigators as a means to penetrate the functional differences of populations.

54. Statistical operation with samples of population may sometimes dissimulate presence of newly formed and relatively rare types. The same holds good for an arbitrary choice of geographical areas, and socially selected groups. Sometimes only a direct observation of variations may lead to the discovery of such types.

55. The history of classifications of human groups is rather instructive even from this point of view. In fact, an increase of units (types, varieties, races, etc.) is typical, and it is due not only to the detailed observation of formerly unknown populations, but it is also due to the fact of increase of the number of characters selected by the anthropologists, - the more the characters in play, the more the units likely to come out. Should there be no theoretical presumption of a limited number of races, conditioned by the evolutionistic theories; of the last century, and should there be no desire to «generalize», the number of «races» would be still larger. Another purely psychological condition, — a fear of complicating the problem, -also was an important check of an increase of the number of «races».

56. An interesting aspect of the situation comes out in the ethnical reactions on the aliens. Here the individual attitudes are conditioned not only by the actual power of the individual to be «valued», but also by the individual psychomental complex of the «valuer», in its turn connected with his ethnical complex. Here resides the reason why a «valuation» of an individual by the aliens (I must point out that «aliens» may be found within the same ethnical unit which is affected by a strong centrifugal movement) chiefly has importance for the ethnologist who is studying reactions, but in so far as «finding of an actual value» is concerned, these reactions have no significance of documents. Let us remark that «recognition» and «non-recognition» have only ethnographical importance.

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