74. Autumnal Sacrifice

The functions of p'oyun saman, as a clan priest who serves the interests of his clansmen and clan ancestors and spirits, may be better seen from a description of ceremonies. The principal ceremony of the year is the autumnal sacrifice to the clan spirits. According to the prescripton of Manchu rites, every prescription of Manchu rites, every clan (mokun) must carry it out once a year, but if the clan cannot do it, other people may help it, and if such help does not come, the sacrifice may be postponed. However, it ought to be carried out at least once in every three years.

1. Ta saman

2. a man beating drum

3.. two men with castanets (cark'i)

4. small children sitting on the stove bed

5. adult people standing in the middle of the room

6. a table with sacrifice

7. placings for spirits

8. p'oyun saman (four)

The autumnal sacrifice, -polor'i amzun (Manchu Sp.), bolori amsun (Manchu Writ) may be organised in the tenth, eleventh or twelfth moon, roughly corresponding to November-January. It must be carried out in the house where the placings for the clan spirits are preserved. The clan organizes but the responsibility for the expenses may be taken by a rich man or a family (bad), or even a group of families of the same clan (mokun). At this sacrifice the clan spirits (p'oyun vochko), i.e. the ancestors, receive thanks from the living clansmen for successful harvest and general welfare of the clan. The sacrifice may be and usually is followed by a special sacrifice to the spirit of heaven, apka endur'i. Several days before the sacrifice one must inform ta saman who may give permission for carrying on the sacrifice. If he consents, he promises to attend the meeting. Two days before the sacrifice the organisers send horses with carts to bring the women born in the clan but married to other people. They may be invited together with the members of «my mother's clan». On the next day the women put on vechun, — the aprons, — and perform the preparative work. Anyhow they must keep them-selves far away from the placings. They begin to prepare caruya efen, i.e. cakes fried in oil, made of millet flour (fus'vee wufa) and in the form of a laurel leaf [427]. The cakes are made with special chopsticks efen carure mosapka (short wooden chopsticks) which are kept under the stove and which must not be touched without need. The second day about 4 p.m., the placings for spirits are put on the bed-stove on the left side of the room or on the great nayan in front of the door. In front of them a table is put, with a sacrifice which consists of several cups of wine [428], according to the number of placings. Ta saman and p'oyun saman temporarily occupy their places on the bed-stove. When this arrangement is made the ta saman and the p'oyun saman descend to the ground. If a «real shaman» is present, he must not sit; but he must be standing to show how inferior he is as compared with the clan spirits. The first p'oyun saman to act is either ta saman, or the youngest one of p'oyun saman for whom this performance may be his first experience. The acting shaman puts on a s'isa and special skirt, if it is required by the ritual practiced in the clan, takes in his hands the drum, and recites the first prayer. Two or three men beat a small drum and castanets (cark'i), while other p'oyun saman repeat, after the first saman, words of the prayer. At last, ta saman comes out and begins to make special movements with his body and rhythmic sounds with the trinkets of the trinkets of the s'isa. Then he recites a prayer addressed to the spirits of the evening road (jamj'i vochko) This prayer is repeated three times and each person present at the performance takes a cup of wine, which marks the end of the performance. In the afternoon of the third day the same performance is repeated and cakes are put on the table as sacrifice to the spirits. Since in the evening a blood sacrifice, accepted only by the spirits of the evening road, must be offered, the placings for the spirits of the day road are put back into the boxes.

With nightfall young clansmen bring a pig into the room and put it on the table, which is taken from the bed-stove and put on the ground, in front of the placing for spirits. All the time drumming, the ta saman makes a round about the table. Then the breast of the pig is opened and the heart is pulled out first. Blood is collected to be later used for sausage. The pig is carefully washed, the internal organs are taken out, and the body is dissected, according to a special rite. From section (7) the testes and penis are cut out and thrown away; two sections (8) are reserved for the ta saman by two long cuttings the back is prepared for separation of the ribs from the vertebral column. The meat with bones is boiled and put together, as if the pig were alive, in front of the placings for spirits on the table for sacrifice together with the cakes. The pig can be only boiled, for the spirits assimilate sacrifice only in the form sugdun («steam») which corresponds to the «immaterial nature» of spirits. The whole performance must be made only by the light of an oil lamp of a very «primitive» form [429]. There are some spirits of the night road which cannot come and accept sacrifice even with such a light, so when they are called to come, the light is blown out and the clansmen for some remain in the dark, weeping and calling to their ancestors in the most expressive and pitiful manner. However, this performance observed was rather short after which the rite of x'jenc'i tebumb'e (stick incense put) was performed and the clansmen went to eat the pig.

In some other clans this performance may be very long which depends on the number and power of spirits which have «night roads» (jamо’i vochko). In another case observed by me, the performance with the «night road spirits», without any light lasted for several hours. Ta saman was very active and when the lamp was again lighted, he looked exhausted and was covered with perspiration in spite of the fact that the temperature in the room was about 0° C. The people present were crying with very harsh and loud voices and with tears, and beating the ground energetically, with their foreheads. (One could hear the noise of the impact.)

During the performance in the clans which have well developed rituals, as in most of the old (fe) Manchu clans, the highest tension of emotional condition may be attained, in which the ecstasy of the performers and especially of the ta saman, may turn into what is characteristic of shamanistic performances, i.e. when the spirit enters the shaman's body. Such is the case of the nara clan where the ta saman uses a special head-dress (helmet) with brass birds used only by the amba saman (real shamans). The shaman and musicians [430] may bring the audience up to a high pitch of excitement, by the changes of rhythms, musical and verbal expressiveness of songs, combined with growing excitement of the shaman himself, who makes special movements with his s'isa for producing rhythmic sounds varying from pianissimo to fortissimo. Such a performance may produce a complete illusion of the reality of spirits present at the rite. The reaction of the people present at the performance becomes much stronger when they begin to feel the presence of the spirits in the person of the saman or when they feel the spirits near, -in their mind there is always some chance that the spirit may enter one of them. Such occurrences, as shown, are possible, naturally in dream [431].

As I have pointed out, this performance is not, in all clans, as rich as that described above. In some clans it may be confined to a silent kneeling and sacrifice of a few incense sticks. The women are not allowed to attend this performance, because of their menstrual blood which is not admitted by the spirits. The persons who do not belong to the clan are admitted as a rare exception. Those who are admitted to pray the clan spirits with the clansmen are usually considered like brethren, clansmen (axundo adali). The day following the night sacrifice the guests and women who are married to the men of other clans are taken back to their homes. In the morning of this day another important performance, — the sacrifice to the apkai endur'i, — is carried out. It will be described in the next chapter. The prayers amongst different clans, as stated, differ as to their contents and wording. There may be no prayers at all, as is observed amongst the New Manchu clans. Yet, there is also a certain similarity as to the contents, choice of expressions, etc. which may be seen from two examples given below.

* * *

Here I give translation of two prayers which are typical of the clans where the rituals have not been forgotten. Translation has been made from texts written by the p'oyun saman. In the first reading of these manuscripts I met with some difficulties especially in using special terms and expressions the meaning of which I established at the spot with the help of the same saman. However, even after this, no perfect translation can be given because of difference between the Manchu complex and that of European groups. I did not wish to go far from the original text and therefore my translation is awkward, without being at the same time a word-for-word translation, as I usually give in this work since such a translation of a text might make it impossible to understand the meaning of the prayers. So I have permitted myself a slight stylistic polishing. Footnotes given below will explain some special expressions and they will show at the same time come ethnographically interesting details.

1. PRAYER ADDRESSED TO THE SPIRITS OF GUWARG'JA CLAN. After an enumeration of the spirits (vide supra) there follows:

«All equal (1) fourteen clan spirits (3) at so-and-so year, for so-and-so business, so-and-so sacrifice is prepared. Brandy and light millet wine(2) put (32) together, two bunches of incense put in front (33) I respectfully offer and insistently pray: Take the sacrifice purposely made, deign to accept sacrifice purely (4) and cleanly prepared. Prolong the grandchildren's life (5) as well spread roots; make the grandchildren numerous as well grown leaves. If there be headache amongst the senior and junior clansmen (6) make it light; if there be burning fit (7) in the forehead wait during the night; if there be any kind (of spirit) (8) take it away; if there be any vapour (spirits' activity) (1), disperse it. Don't let (them) come in contact(10), don't let them approach near by (11). If the roots widely spread (12), I will offer liberally counted sacrifice; if the leaves are numerous (13), I will much pray every one (14). Make the riding horses handsome looking (15); make the oxen working in the fields healthy looking (16). Make them fat by feeding on tender kind of grass (17); let them live up to an old age by feeding on thick and tall kind of grass (18); look after the pigs (19) and make them plentiful. Don't make us to be deceived (20) by the bad; don't let us to be ruined by pernicious things (21). Important matters being exhausted small matters remain. If there is anything which might produce opposition, push them (22) southwards (23); if there is anything which might make spirits angry (24), throw them (25) northwards (26). Keep away the wars (27) (carried on) by the world of the dead people; keep away the mischief of busuku to the living people, keep the happy days (28) in order; defend the clan people (29) during the bad days. Between the seasons give peace (30) to the clansmen, from the seniors down and from the juniors up (31) If you provide peace, without missing time I will offer sacrifice to the spirits, without missing periods I will pray spirits for happiness and that they give strength.»

2. PRAYER ADDRESSED TO THE SPIRITS OF EVENING ROAD OF SAGDA CLAN. After an enumeration of the spirits (vide supra) there follows:

«On the first day of the new moon (month) the incense put (32) together; two bunches of incense put in front (32); brandy and light millet wine (32) in front put in a row: the great sacrifice prepared and put on the table, — (all) be given to the spirits. When endur'i descend that they will accept the sacrifice (34); when the «spirits (vochko) come down that they will seize the vapour (of the sacrifice). In the year of sheep there was small sickness (36) amongst the poor people of the family; there was infected air (36) amongst the suffering people of the clan. In the year of sheep in the fear of death the ignorant (37) men by the mouth (38) producing promised (39). Ever resurrecting (40) spirits, merciful spirits take away death-causing sharp sickness (41), keep away long «illness. Slaves (42) are greatly missing their work; children much disobey. Important (matter) finished, small (matter) remains. The principal exhausted, the remainders (43) are left. Give that leaves well numerous grow, that roots well spread. I pray very much that every one increases, I pray by giving sacrifice that every one (45) «spreads. Alleviate the head from the fever, (amongst all) from seniors down (44) from juniors (46)' up. Put end (cease) (47) to the burning fit (7) in the forehead by stroking on the head and massaging the neck. Make (use) ride on handsome looking (15) riding horses; send for work the working oxen well healthy looking (16). «Make (them) eat thin kind of grass (17) up to their fill; make (them) eat thick and high kind of grass (18) up to the old age. Don't leave fall down good hair; don't make split the ends of the tail hair (48). Fill up full stable (49); fill up full yard (50). If there should be amongst our family people busuku, don't let it approach near by (11); don't let come into contact (10). Bring out the spirit’Ten thousand years' (51), turn back the spirit’A thousand years (52)', which crack the skull and break the vertebral column. During good days (28) keep the seats (53); during bad days sit at home (54). The bad take away, the good make (us) to meet. Look after the home (people), protect the yard (animals). Take away bad spirits (xutu), give (us) happiness.»

1. Wuxer'i-texer'i — «all equal», — is a shamanistic expression; cf. texeren (Manchu Writ.) (Zax.) — the similarity, comparison.

2. «light millet wine» — nure — stronger than beer, a little sour; in the style of well known Chinese rice wine of Chekiang used by the Manchus. It is possible that the expression ark'i nure be should be understood merely as «light millet wine», ark'i being here a generic term for all alcoholic drinks. I translate «brandy and» for in some clans the Manchus use both the Chinese wine-brandy and Manchu nure.

3. In the text there is eien i endu boigun i jukten. In Manchu Sp. elen is referred to the people, the house people, also to the clansmen; boigun is referred to the same; endu, cf. enduri and jukten (vide supra, Ibid.). In so far as I know, it is impossible to give any other translation but «clan spirits», for actually they are mokun i vochko of ordinary speech. All four terms are chiefly wed in prayers, and, I guess, chiefly for rhythm.

4. g'ingun, — «pure», — a shamanistic expression in reference to the sacrifice; cf. g'ingun (Manchu. Writ.), - the attention.

5. subenga, — the blood vessels: arteries and veins; fig. expression for «life».

6. The expression: amba chi ves'ixun, oskun chi fos'ixun is understood by the Manchus as «senior and junior groups of the clan». However, amba is great and oskun [corn osokon (Manchu Writ.)] is «small»; oskunchi is interpreted and identified by the Manchu as eskunji (vide SOM pp. 46 et seq.).

7. Seri, — «high fever», corr. sere (Manchus Writ.), — «to become hot red, white face etc.»

8. jerg'i, — «the kind» in shamanistic language jerg'i is used instead of «jerg'i of so- and-so spirits causing sickness».

9. sugdun, — «the vapour», is understood as immaterial activity of spirits, vide supra.

10. and 11. xand (still oftener xan'de in shamanistic prayers) and dan'de in function of «adverbs», — «near by»; dan is nearer than xan.

12. This expression means: «if the generation spreads like roots»; cf. supra full expression.

13. This expression means: «if the generation becomes numerous like leaves».

14. tome, — «every one»; perhaps it is a contracted form of tolome of the previous sentence tolome fulu g'ignek'i — «I will liberally offer sacrifice», corresponding to tome ambula bajk'i, cf. infra, note 45.

15. jangse and jangsenga, — «handsome», in reference to the horse when it has even and glossy hair.

16. tam'in (cf. tamin, Manchu Writ.), — «erected hair», when the hair is standing up which in oxen is considered as a sign of health.

17. tainen is a kind of short, tender grass, good at certain seasons.

18. suixa is translated by I. Zaxarov as «wormwood»; however, the Manchus use this term in reference to other kinds of high grass.

19. literally wugdun i wujima, i.e. «domesticated animals of sty» (six kinds, — horse, pig, chicken, etc.); wugdun, — «half underground construction» also referred to the human dwellings. Such sties are now used only for pigs, therefore I give in transition «pigs».

20. aitere corr. eitere (Manchu Writ.)

21. gan'unga, literally «marvellous, unknown, strange, ominous, etc.» (cf. I. Zaxarov). However, here it is understood as «unknown, marvellous things which are pernicious».

22. g'idame can be also understood «press on, turn to».

23. «South» is a sector where «good» spirits are found.

24. aljamb'i in this sense ill referred only to the spirits.

25. valjamb'i, — «to throw (ritually) a small sacrifice».

26. «North» is a sector where «bad spirits» are located.

27. bulun of the text is «heap, crowd» etc. of the saman's interpretation. However, this cannot be understood so, I suppose. According to I. Zaxarov's translation of bulun it corresponds to bulen-bulong of Tungus (e.g. Bir. Bum.), — «the war carried on by spirits». This may be supported by an analogy of the further sentence busuku de k'imun be teme, where kimun is «mischief, hostility», etc.

28. Songchoxo, — «odd»; the odd days are «happy days».

29. boigun, — «the house»; i.e. the people who are living in the house, whence «the clan people».

30. elxe taif'in, — both terms mean «peace», eke — «peace» in the sense of moral peace and safety from the illness; taif'in (from Chinese tai p'ing — «a condition of peace») peace in the sense of safety from the spirits.

31. In this case the expression, discussed in the note 6, is differently constructed, -fos'ixun is referred to amba chi, while ves'ixun to oskun chi, which may permit to give a new interpretation as shown in the present translation. This may be supported by other notes (vide infra — notes 37, 44, 46).

32. Verb tabumb'i, — «to put»; in the prayers it means «to put as sacrifice, to sacrifice».

33. endur'i is used as a «polite» address to the clan spirits, who are not endur'i.

34. Ojo, — «the sacrifice», or better to say «the immaterial substance of the sacrifice», the material part of which may be eaten by the people present. Cf. I. Zaxarov, ojo, ojo gaimbi. The etymology of ojo in the sense of sacrifice is not clear, but it can be hardly connected with ojo — «the top» etc.

35. jangs'i, — «a small sickness», is rather «smell of sickness» «agent of sickness»; the Manchu say a'in'i bode n'imeku jangs'i b'i, i.e. «in thine body sickness jangsi is»; cf. I. Zaxarov jangsan-jangshan, — «the sickness».

36. Suks'i is nearly sugdun, — «the vapour»; according to the Manchu conception sickness is going on through the air which when «saturated» with sickness becomes suks'i.

37. Oskun, cf. osoxon (Manchu Writ.), vide note 6. Here this term used in the sense «small, stupid, ignorant like children». The shamans use it referring to themselves and opposing themselves to the spirits.

38. anga dan'jimb'i, — «to speak», literally, «to beget with mouth».

39. It is supposed: «the sacrifice, i.e. promised the sacrifice.

40. veixumb'i, corr. veijumbi (Manchu Writ.).

41. gaskan, — «a short sickness»; cf. gaaxan (Manchu Writ.) translated by I. Zaxarov as «epidemic diseases».

42. axas'i gurun, — «the kind of slaves»; gurun, — «kind or species, power, nation, etc.».

43. dangsi is a shamanistic expression, — «the charcoal, remainders, what is left», etc. cf. dansan (Manchu Writ.).

44. fos'ixun. con. fusixun (Manchu Writ.) cf. also note 31.

45. don'ime is understood by the Manchus as «every one»; however, cf. note 14, where in an analogous case we have toleme -> tome also understood in the first case «every one». I am not sure as to the translation.

46. esuken (cf. notes 3 and 31) is understood by the Manchus as a derivative from esxen (Manchu Writ.). However, its use is parallel to that of oskun.

47. duaxer'i; no exact meaning could be established. It seems to be a form from duxembi, u~ua is possible.

48. This one of symptoms of bad health of animals.

49. guan [cf. I. Zaxarov, guanse which P. Schmidt (Chinesische Elemente, p. 254) derives from guan-sie of Chinese, — «holzerne und eiserne Fesseln»] is opposed to the open yard, — xui. In both of them different kinds of domesticated animals are kept, as it is also amongst the Mongols; gum is a part of the yard (xua) separated by heavy wooden fences.

50. cf. note 49.

51. «Ten thousand years» is a technical term for a special class of spirits (cf. supra).

52. «A thousand years» is a term, cf. note 51.

53. i.e. «do not disturb yourself».

54. i.e. «come to the home of people to help them».

The prayers here shown are in many respects similar, although the clans are different. The prayers of other clans which I have usually are shorter. It may be noted that they differ in many respects from those adopted by the Imperial clan of g'joro. But it may be supposed that the published rituals served in many a case as a pattern for other prayers. In fact, one meets with the repetition of the same phrases and ideas. On the other hand, it is also probable that the p'oyun saman of the clan g'joro used some old forms which may have been later somewhat «ennobled» by the learned Manchus.

Indeed, the formalisation of the ritual has resulted in a loss of the emotional element in the performance of p'oyun saman who have become especially formalistic in the performances of the Imperial clan rites, repeated too often for remaining emotionally effective.

It ought to be also pointed out that the complex of ancestral spirits amongst the Manchus has been completed with the spirits of non-clannish origin. Formally they are regarded as clan spirits, but their connexion is not clear nor convincing for the Manchus themselves. Those spirits whose names are not sometimes known are now treated in a formal manner. If an ancestor, whom the living people remember, manifests activity it practically becomes more important than any ancestor of formalized complexes.

The rituals of sacrifice are subject to variations in different clans not only in reference to the length of performance, but also in reference to its character. For illustration I shall now give an instance. In Mongo clan (vide SOM, p. 24) two sacrifices are made: one is carried out in the house and another one is carried out in the «mountains». In the first case the sacrificial animal is a pig and there are two cups of fus'ixe with bean oil in which two holes are made for fixing two wicks soaked in bean oil and burning during the ceremony. In the second case, an ox is used. After the first sacrifice the clan people go to the near lying mountains and erect there a temporary shelter of large size with a sloping roof on two sides. The placings for spirits are transported from the house and put as at home. An ox is slaughtered in the same manner as the pig. No drum is used during the performance. For apkai endur'i this clan uses a sheep as some other clans do. Amongst other peculiarities of ritual there may be pointed out, for instance, the use of oil lamps instead of incense during the performance. In sagda clan the sacrifice to apkai endur'i consists of a pig. The Sangin (white) mongo clan has no p'oyun saman, so his functions are performed by the great shaman; the sacrifice consists of a pig at home and a sheep in the «mountains». The wuri (grey) mongo has p'oyun saman and therefore it is regarded as fe manju, while the first one as ichi manju. In wujala clan, also in some other clans of the ichi manju group, there are made toxoli efen, — small flat cakes, about two centimetres in diameter, made of fus'ixe wufa (cf. supra), but boiled in water; and taisima efen, made of the same flour, but larger in size and covered with some beans [432]. However, some old Manchu (fe manju) clans also have taisima efen. In some old Manchu clans the badger was used as sacrificial animal, but this practice has been recently given up and the pig is now used. The reason of giving up the badger was relative rarity of this animal greatly destroyed by the ever growing population of Manchuria. The music, — from drum, castanets, and small drum for keeping rhythm — is also subject to variations in some clans being shorter or longer as to the thematic contents. In some clans only a part of the theme is used, or it may be combined with another end. Indeed, the rhythmic variations are not numerous, so that similarity of rhythms is quite common, and combinations are also limited. Here I give for illustration some examples. Kor'i clan for day road spirits use the rhythm:

Fucha clan rhythm is confined to the first two bars repeated during the first half of the performance and two other bars repeated during the second part of the performance.

The above given instances of variations of sacrificial rites in different clans are sufficient for making up a general idea of the character of rites and their components. It may be pointed out that the complexes are different in clans, but consist of the same elements, e.g. even the rhythmic theme may be cut into its components or exist independently, as we have seen in the case of kor'i and fucha clans; the same sacrificial animals, - pig, sheep, oxen — are figured in different combinations. The elements may be of different origin, e.g. the five-stone fire-place preserved from prehistoric times; Chinese incense recently borrowed, by the side of the surviving oil lamp required by the rite; splitting of sacrifice: in the house and in the «mountains», etc. What is characteristic of all rites is that they must be fixed, transmitted by tradition (we have seen the state of mental confusion in the clans where rites are partially lost), and regularly performed, for alleviation of the clan consciousness from the fear of dissatisfying ancestors — spirits, which is also only a form of explanatory formulation of the psychomental state characteristic of the Manchus. After the sacrifice one can feel this mood (behaviour) of self-confidence and satisfaction amongst the performers of rites and even all clan members which is typical of similar psychological conditions, indeed, whether these are home-made «ancestors» or spirits borrowed from other groups or some other form of formulation of the psychomental state in which alleviation comes from the supposed-to-be-effective removal of disturbing factors and from a collective action.

Here above I give an example of music performed by the Guwarg'ia clan orchestra during the annual sacrifice to the clan spirits. The shaman produces different pitches of sounds from the drum by beating drum at different sections.

427. Fisixe-fisiku (Manchu Writ.) is a kind of small gelatinous millet. In Manchu Sp. it is either fiske or fus'ixe. Here is a description of the method of preparing caruya efen:

The ta saman who was also the master of the house, brought about 50 kgs. of flour which was put into a wooden tub. The mistress of the house poured some hot water into it and made the paste. The paste was put on the wooden trays and one after another these were taken by the men, to the kitchen. In the meantime, the women, standing by the kettle with boiling oil, were very skillfully making the paste into small cakes which were immediately put into the kettle with boiling oil. A few minutes later, the cakes were taken out by the men using colanders, and were put to cool in the air. The cakes in a mass were put for a time in front of the great bed-stove (amba nayan) which served as a place for setting the sacrifice. Afterwards the men began to pat the dough made of the half-cooked cakes. Several people took places on the bed-stoves at the small tables set in front of them. A group of men continued their patting of dough, another group rolled the paste to make it thin and flat, and a third group sitting at tables were making small cakes in form of a laurel leaf, about seven centimetres long, three centimetres broad and six or seven mm. thick. There were fourteen people busy with this work.

428. The ritual wine is nura made of millet, which is something like a very light alcoholic drink, a little sour, produced at home. At present this wine may be replaced by the ordinary Chinese wine made of gaolan. This drink was known among the Nuichen (cf. E. Chavannes, op. cit. p. 404).

429. The lamp is made at least now of iron in the form of a rather low cup about six centimetres high and about fourteen centimetres in diameter, supplied with a short handle. The wick is made of flax and the lamp is half-filled with bean oil. In former time these lamps were made of stone. I had a chance to excavate some such lamps (in 1916) on the banks of the Amur River. These lamps still known in North-Eastern and America constitute one of the elements of the palaeolithic complex in Europe, and in neolithic stations of Japan.

430. The art of these amateur musicians consists in giving rhythm, varied with forte and piano, crescendo and diminuendo. In spite of the simplicity of musical elements to he combined, as a whole this music may become very effective, in so far as the process of excitation of the saman and the audience is concerned. It did not take a very long time for me to learn these methods and to perform in these orchestras. A specimen of this music is given infra.

431. I have never heard of the nervous fits occurring in such performances and ascribed to the entry of the spirits. There are two reasons for it, namely, the to saman is present who is supposed to receive into his own body the spirit if it should wish to come and second, such performances are rather rare while the occasions for introducing spirits are quite frequent.

432. As an ordinary food for every day, taisima efen are covered with red sugar which is not allowed for sacrificial purposes, — the clan spirits dislike sugar.